Interview of H.I.H., Heir, Tsesarevich, and Grand Duke Georgii Mikhailovich to Questions Posed by Russian Correspondents

Your Highness, how young were you when you recognized your unique status, your high position in society? What is the upbringing of a future Heir to the throne like? Where did you do your studies?

From childhood, my parents and grandparents raised me with an awareness of my duty to the Motherland, in the sense that any rights I might enjoy due to my birth are inexorably connected to duties, and that duties have a priority over rights. My parents were concerned to instill in me a character informed by and consistent with the centuries-long traditions of Russia, an Orthodox spirit, and, at the same time, a respect for the realities of the modern world. My family never said “no” to me per se, but rather they always explained to me why this thing was good and proper, and why this other thing was not good or harmful. My childhood was spent in St.-Briac, a small village in northwest France, in the house where my great-grandfather, Emperor Kirill Vladimirovich, lived. Then I lived and studied for a time in Paris, and then moved to Spain, where I finished the English school. Having finished my secondary education, I entered Oxford University. When I finished by studies there, I immediately took a job so that I could apply in practice and further the education I had received. 

Is your title a kind of a tribute to your ancestors and the observance of a tradition, or does it represent a realistic chance to become the sovereign of Russia? Would you want to become the sovereign of Russia?

All traditions that do not have an ideological or spiritual notion behind them are either a farcical sham or, in the best of cases, a kind of decoration for tourists. I am convinced that our dynastic traditions remain alive, have relevance, and are important for modern times. I see my position first and foremost as a duty to serve the Motherland. And one need not sit on a throne to offer such service. Whatever one’s views are about the reestablishment of the monarchy, the Imperial House is a historical institution which strives and has the unquestionable right to take part in the social life of the country, to facilitate the return of a historical memory of Russia’s past, to foster patriotism, to encourage spirituality, to assist in the establishment of a role for Russia in the international arena, to raise Russia’s prestige, to work in charitable activities, and to support cultural renewal.

As far as any desire on my part to become Russia’s sovereign: When delegates from the Assembly of the Land approached my ancestor, Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov, and informed him that he had been elected to the throne, he was shocked by the enormity of the responsibility that had fallen upon him, and for a long time he refused to take the crown. Only when he was told that he did not have the right to reject the expressions of loyalty of the people, which would be a great sin before God, did the 16-year old Mikhail give his consent. This story shows that sovereignty—power in general—is not at all an alluring thing that one strives for, but a burdensome cross. And here the question is not so much who strives or does not strive for it, but the circumstances that come together and are dictated by historical events. We cannot always recognize or understand these circumstances right away, but we all are participants in a historical process, and we are all given to fulfill that which Divine Providence has consigned to us. The Russian Imperial House would never agree to the reestablishment of the monarchy except through the expression of the will of the people. But if the people someday want the reestablishment of the monarchy, then we will be ready to fulfill our duty. 

What do your think about the political and economic situation in Russia, about the life of the people? Is the restoration of the monarchy possible? What form might a restored monarchy take?

In Russia, thank God, a certain stability has finally been achieved. Most importantly, there are no threats of a new civil war, of which, after all, in the 1990s there was a real possibility. Nonetheless, the standard of living for the majority of Russian citizens up to now has been far lower than it should be and that Russians ought to have. There exists such poverty, and not only in Russia: bureaucrats, who are paid well and sometimes quite high salaries, for some reason think that normal people can live on 100 to 200 dollars a month. It was once suggested to me by a member of the present government to try living on such a salary even for one month. I cannot understand how one could assert that the cost of living in Russia stands at about 50 Euros. This is not a cost of living, but life at the subsistence level. It is worse for the elderly, who have worked their entire lives and now have to count kopecks. It is clear that a solution to the problem cannot come unless the people work with the authorities and the authorities work with the people. The country needs to pull together. I am convinced that the Imperial House will do its share in this effort.

We believe that the monarchy in Russia could be reestablished. Moreover, we feel that monarchy is the best-suited form of government for our enormous, multi-national country. To consume oneself in working for the restoration of the monarchy only for the sake of economic revival, or, by contrast, as a result of an economic collapse, would, in my view, be a grave mistake. Such a revolution would be exploiting temporary difficulties and would be led by the principle of “the worse things get, the better they are for the cause.” But the 1000-year old Russian monarchy, if it is to be restored, must come not by a revolution but by natural means. The monarchy can be an instrument for getting through a crisis, if Russia finds itself, God forbid, in a crisis; and it can be an instrument for the strengthening of stability, which is by far the better scenario, I think, for everyone. Monarchy—and I have in mind genuine monarchy, not some sort of dictatorship or something similar—must necessarily be legal, that is, founded on historical laws and faithfully following and accepting current laws that guarantee full democratic rights and freedoms of the citizen. It can only be Orthodox in its spiritual origins while also respecting the rights of all traditional confessions. Such a monarchy would not contradict the principles of toleration. After all, in England the queen is the Head of the Anglican Church, but this does not prevent us from recognizing England as a cradle and example of modern democracy. Monarchy can only be hereditary, that is, having a connection with the entire history of the country from its very beginning in 862. The range of the monarch’s powers should be ensconced in the Constitution in accordance with the political realities of the moment. But most importantly, the advantage of monarchy is in its independence from all parties, groups, and financial interests, its ability to serve as an arbiter, to bring about and maintain a balance in society and settle conflicts: these are the invaluable assets of monarchy, the significance of which can never be lost. 

Is it difficult to be the Tsesarevich? Doesn’t your title disrupt your private life? In addition, if you can, would you speak about your family, and your plans for marriage and children? Do you have friends or a girlfriend?

Every situation has its pluses and minuses. The Lord Jesus Christ said that to whom more is given, more will be demanded. Of course, the position of Heir of the Russian Imperial House is beholden to much—the awareness of one’s responsibility before God, the Motherland, and the legacy of ancestors. In this regard, in the modern world, privileges have gone away and what is left today is duty and responsibility. I cannot say that my title has disrupted my personal life. I freely find a common language with all people, regardless of social background, and in each person I respect their person and human dignity. There are many people I consider my close friends, and I am sure I’m right about that.

According to the dynastic laws currently in force, there are a number of regulations on the marriages of members of the Russian Imperial House. There is the notion of equality of birth, that is, that the marriage be with a person who belongs to one or another dynasty. When a member of the dynasty contracts an unequal marriage, the dynast does not lose his own rights to the throne, but his wife and children do not receive any dynastic rights. Over the course of the last several decades, the majority of European monarchies have abandoned this requirement, but we have continued to observe it. To introduce any kind of changes would be possible only with the blessing of the Russian Orthodox Church since both my mother and I have, in accordance with provisions of the law, given an oath to observe all provisions relating to succession to the throne. Probably, the question will one day be raised as to whether the Pauline Law should be amended with regard to the marriages of dynasts. But for the moment, that question is purely hypothetical. In any case, I take the matter of my future marriage very seriously, and I am convinced that my marriage should be founded on love, and also that my wife should likewise love Russia and should support the work I do on behalf of the Fatherland. 

Will the Heir to the throne have a profession? What is your occupation?

At Oxford, I studied economics and law. After finishing my studies, I worked at the European Parliament, then became an assistant to the vice-president of the European Commission and Commissioner of Transport and Energy, Loyola de Palacio, in Brussels, and then, I worked in Luxembourg for the European Commission on issues relating to atomic energy and atomic security. This allowed me to familiarize myself with the fields of activity of some structures in the European Union, structures that will in significant ways determine the future direction and development of Europe. Now I am studying how private businesses operate. I am sure that my knowledge and experience can be put to use for the good of Russia. 

Can you tell us about your interests and hobbies? Do you have much free time?

Everyone needs both to work hard and to have time for rest. The modern rhythm of life affords me little time for the latter. When I do get some free time, I like to spend it with my friends. I like to hunt, to dance, to listen to music—depending on my mood, sometimes classical music, sometimes pop music. I enjoy film, both Russian and foreign film. I especially like to travel. In short, I enjoy all things that let you relax and at the same time expand your perspective and enrich the mind.

Your Highness, how young were you when you recognized your unique status, your high position in society? What is the upbringing of a future Heir to the throne like? Where did you do your studies?

From childhood, my parents and grandparents raised me with an awareness of my duty to the Motherland, in the sense that any rights I might enjoy due to my birth are inexorably connected to duties, and that duties have a priority over rights. My parents were concerned to instill in me a character informed by and consistent with the centuries-long traditions of Russia, an Orthodox spirit, and, at the same time, a respect for the realities of the modern world. My family never said “no” to me per se, but rather they always explained to me why this thing was good and proper, and why this other thing was not good or harmful. My childhood was spent in St.-Briac, a small village in northwest France, in the house where my great-grandfather, Emperor Kirill Vladimirovich, lived. Then I lived and studied for a time in Paris, and then moved to Spain, where I finished the English school. Having finished my secondary education, I entered Oxford University. When I finished by studies there, I immediately took a job so that I could apply in practice and further the education I had received. 

Is your title a kind of a tribute to your ancestors and the observance of a tradition, or does it represent a realistic chance to become the sovereign of Russia? Would you want to become the sovereign of Russia?

All traditions that do not have an ideological or spiritual notion behind them are either a farcical sham or, in the best of cases, a kind of decoration for tourists. I am convinced that our dynastic traditions remain alive, have relevance, and are important for modern times. I see my position first and foremost as a duty to serve the Motherland. And one need not sit on a throne to offer such service. Whatever one’s views are about the reestablishment of the monarchy, the Imperial House is a historical institution which strives and has the unquestionable right to take part in the social life of the country, to facilitate the return of a historical memory of Russia’s past, to foster patriotism, to encourage spirituality, to assist in the establishment of a role for Russia in the international arena, to raise Russia’s prestige, to work in charitable activities, and to support cultural renewal.

As far as any desire on my part to become Russia’s sovereign: When delegates from the Assembly of the Land approached my ancestor, Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov, and informed him that he had been elected to the throne, he was shocked by the enormity of the responsibility that had fallen upon him, and for a long time he refused to take the crown. Only when he was told that he did not have the right to reject the expressions of loyalty of the people, which would be a great sin before God, did the 16-year old Mikhail give his consent. This story shows that sovereignty—power in general—is not at all an alluring thing that one strives for, but a burdensome cross. And here the question is not so much who strives or does not strive for it, but the circumstances that come together and are dictated by historical events. We cannot always recognize or understand these circumstances right away, but we all are participants in a historical process, and we are all given to fulfill that which Divine Providence has consigned to us. The Russian Imperial House would never agree to the reestablishment of the monarchy except through the expression of the will of the people. But if the people someday want the reestablishment of the monarchy, then we will be ready to fulfill our duty. 

What do your think about the political and economic situation in Russia, about the life of the people? Is the restoration of the monarchy possible? What form might a restored monarchy take?

In Russia, thank God, a certain stability has finally been achieved. Most importantly, there are no threats of a new civil war, of which, after all, in the 1990s there was a real possibility. Nonetheless, the standard of living for the majority of Russian citizens up to now has been far lower than it should be and that Russians ought to have. There exists such poverty, and not only in Russia: bureaucrats, who are paid well and sometimes quite high salaries, for some reason think that normal people can live on 100 to 200 dollars a month. It was once suggested to me by a member of the present government to try living on such a salary even for one month. I cannot understand how one could assert that the cost of living in Russia stands at about 50 Euros. This is not a cost of living, but life at the subsistence level. It is worse for the elderly, who have worked their entire lives and now have to count kopecks. It is clear that a solution to the problem cannot come unless the people work with the authorities and the authorities work with the people. The country needs to pull together. I am convinced that the Imperial House will do its share in this effort.

We believe that the monarchy in Russia could be reestablished. Moreover, we feel that monarchy is the best-suited form of government for our enormous, multi-national country. To consume oneself in working for the restoration of the monarchy only for the sake of economic revival, or, by contrast, as a result of an economic collapse, would, in my view, be a grave mistake. Such a revolution would be exploiting temporary difficulties and would be led by the principle of “the worse things get, the better they are for the cause.” But the 1000-year old Russian monarchy, if it is to be restored, must come not by a revolution but by natural means. The monarchy can be an instrument for getting through a crisis, if Russia finds itself, God forbid, in a crisis; and it can be an instrument for the strengthening of stability, which is by far the better scenario, I think, for everyone. Monarchy—and I have in mind genuine monarchy, not some sort of dictatorship or something similar—must necessarily be legal, that is, founded on historical laws and faithfully following and accepting current laws that guarantee full democratic rights and freedoms of the citizen. It can only be Orthodox in its spiritual origins while also respecting the rights of all traditional confessions. Such a monarchy would not contradict the principles of toleration. After all, in England the queen is the Head of the Anglican Church, but this does not prevent us from recognizing England as a cradle and example of modern democracy. Monarchy can only be hereditary, that is, having a connection with the entire history of the country from its very beginning in 862. The range of the monarch’s powers should be ensconced in the Constitution in accordance with the political realities of the moment. But most importantly, the advantage of monarchy is in its independence from all parties, groups, and financial interests, its ability to serve as an arbiter, to bring about and maintain a balance in society and settle conflicts: these are the invaluable assets of monarchy, the significance of which can never be lost. 

Is it difficult to be the Tsesarevich? Doesn’t your title disrupt your private life? In addition, if you can, would you speak about your family, and your plans for marriage and children? Do you have friends or a girlfriend?

Every situation has its pluses and minuses. The Lord Jesus Christ said that to whom more is given, more will be demanded. Of course, the position of Heir of the Russian Imperial House is beholden to much—the awareness of one’s responsibility before God, the Motherland, and the legacy of ancestors. In this regard, in the modern world, privileges have gone away and what is left today is duty and responsibility. I cannot say that my title has disrupted my personal life. I freely find a common language with all people, regardless of social background, and in each person I respect their person and human dignity. There are many people I consider my close friends, and I am sure I’m right about that.

According to the dynastic laws currently in force, there are a number of regulations on the marriages of members of the Russian Imperial House. There is the notion of equality of birth, that is, that the marriage be with a person who belongs to one or another dynasty. When a member of the dynasty contracts an unequal marriage, the dynast does not lose his own rights to the throne, but his wife and children do not receive any dynastic rights. Over the course of the last several decades, the majority of European monarchies have abandoned this requirement, but we have continued to observe it. To introduce any kind of changes would be possible only with the blessing of the Russian Orthodox Church since both my mother and I have, in accordance with provisions of the law, given an oath to observe all provisions relating to succession to the throne. Probably, the question will one day be raised as to whether the Pauline Law should be amended with regard to the marriages of dynasts. But for the moment, that question is purely hypothetical. In any case, I take the matter of my future marriage very seriously, and I am convinced that my marriage should be founded on love, and also that my wife should likewise love Russia and should support the work I do on behalf of the Fatherland. 

Will the Heir to the throne have a profession? What is your occupation?

At Oxford, I studied economics and law. After finishing my studies, I worked at the European Parliament, then became an assistant to the vice-president of the European Commission and Commissioner of Transport and Energy, Loyola de Palacio, in Brussels, and then, I worked in Luxembourg for the European Commission on issues relating to atomic energy and atomic security. This allowed me to familiarize myself with the fields of activity of some structures in the European Union, structures that will in significant ways determine the future direction and development of Europe. Now I am studying how private businesses operate. I am sure that my knowledge and experience can be put to use for the good of Russia. 

Can you tell us about your interests and hobbies? Do you have much free time?

Everyone needs both to work hard and to have time for rest. The modern rhythm of life affords me little time for the latter. When I do get some free time, I like to spend it with my friends. I like to hunt, to dance, to listen to music—depending on my mood, sometimes classical music, sometimes pop music. I enjoy film, both Russian and foreign film. I especially like to travel. In short, I enjoy all things that let you relax and at the same time expand your perspective and enrich the mind.